Shelley
by Sydney Waterlow
Hypertext Meanings and Commentaries
from the Encyclopedia of the Self
by Mark Zimmerman

Contents

  I. SHELLEY AND HIS AGE
II. PRINCIPAL WRITINGS
III. THE POET OF REBELLION, OF NATURE, AND OF LOVE
     BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

Chapter I Shelley and His Age

In the case of most great writers our interest in them as
persons is derived from out interest in them as writers; we are
not very curious about them except for reasons that have
something to do with their art. With Shelley it is different.
During his life he aroused fears and hatreds, loves and
adorations, that were quite irrelevant to literature; and even
now, when he has become a classic, he still causes excitement
as a man. His lovers are as vehement as ever. For them he is
the "banner of freedom," which,

   "Torn but flying,
   Streams like a thunder-cloud against the wind."

He has suffered that worst indignity of canonisation as a being
saintly and superhuman, not subject to the morality of ordinary
mortals. He has been bedaubed with pathos. Nevertheless it is
possible still to recognise in him one of the most engaging
personalities that ever lived. What is the secret of this
charm? He had many characteristics that belong to the most
tiresome natures; he even had the qualities of the man as to
whom one wonders whether partial insanity may not be his best
excuse--inconstancy expressing itself in hysterical revulsions
of feeling, complete lack of balance, proneness to act
recklessly to the hurt of others. Yet he was loved and
respected by contemporaries of tastes very different from his
own, who were good judges and intolerant of bores--by Byron,
who was apt to care little for any one, least of all for poets,
except himself; by Peacock, who poured laughter on all
enthusiasms; and by Hogg, who, though slightly eccentric, was a
Tory eccentric. The fact is that, with all his defects, he had
two qualities which, combined, are so attractive that there is
scarcely anything they will not redeem-- perfect sincerity
without a thought of self, and vivid emotional force. All his
faults as well as his virtues were, moreover, derived from a
certain strong feeling, coloured in a peculiar way which will
be explained in what follows--a sort of ardour of universal
benevolence. One of his letters ends with these words:
"Affectionate love to and from all. This ought to be not only
the vale of a letter, but a superscription over the gate of
life"--words which, expressing not merely Shelley's opinion of
what ought to be, but what he actually felt, reveal the
ultimate reason why he is still loved, and the reason, too, why
he has so often been idealised. For this universal benevolence
is a thing which appeals to men almost with the force of
divinity, still carrying, even when mutilated and obscured by
frailties, some suggestion of St. Francis or of Christ.

The object of these pages is not to idealise either his life,
his characte, or his works. The three are inseparably
connected, and to understand one we must understand all. The
reason is that Shelley is one of the most subjective of
writers. It would be hard to name a poet who has kept his art
more free from all taint of representation of the real, making
it nor an instrument for creating something life-like, but a
more and more intimate echo or emanation of his own spirit. In
studying his writings we shall see how they flow from his
dominating emotion of love for his fellow-men; and the drama of
his life, displayed against the background of the time, will in
turn throw light on that emotion. His benevolence took many
forms--none perfect, some admirable, some ridiculous. It was
too universal. He never had a clear enough perception of the
real qualities of real men and women; hence his loves for
individuals, as capricious as they were violent, always seem to
lack something which is perhaps the most valuable element in
human affection. If in this way we can analyse his temperament
successfully, the process should help us to a more critical
understanding, and so to a fuller enjoyment, of the poems.

This greatest of our lyric poets, the culmination of the
Romantic Movement in English literature, appeared in an age
which, following on the series of successful wars that had
established British power all over the world, was one of the
gloomiest in our history. If in some ways the England of
1800-20 was ahead of the rest of Europe, in others it lagged
far behind. The Industrial Revolution, which was to turn us
from a nation of peasants and traders into a nation of
manufacturers, had begun; but its chief fruits as yet were
increased materialism and greed, and politically the period was
one of blackest reaction. Alone of European peoples we had
been untouched by the tide of Napoleon's conquests, which, when
it receded from the Continent, at least left behind a framework
of enlightened institutions, while our success in the
Napoleonic wars only confirmed the ruling aristocratic families
in their grip of the nation which they had governed since the
reign of Anne. This despotism crushed the humble and
stimulated the high-spirited to violence, and is the reason why
three such poets as Byron, Landor, and Shelley, though by birth
and fortune members of the ruling class, were pioneers as much
of political as of spiritual rebellion. Unable to breathe the
atmosphere of England, they were driven to live in exile.

It requires some effort to reconstruct that atmosphere to-day.
A foreign critic [Dr. George Brandes, in vol. iv. of his 'Main
Currents of Nineteenth Century Literature'] has summed it up by
saying that England was then pre-eminently the home of cant;
while in politics her native energy was diverted to oppression,
in morals and religion it took the form of hypocrisy and
persecution. Abroad she was supporting the Holy Alliance,
throwing her weight into the scale against all movements for
freedom. At home there was exhaustion after war; workmen were
thrown out of employment, and taxation pressed heavily on high
rents and the high price of corn, was made cruel by fear; for
the French Revolution had sent a wave of panic through the
country, not to ebb until about 1830. Suspicion of republican
principles--which, it seemed, led straight to the
Terror--frightened many good men, who would otherwise have been
reformers, into supporting the triumph of coercion and Toryism.
The elder generation of poets had been republicans in their
youth. Wordsworth had said of the Revolution that it was
"bliss to be alive" in that dawn; Southey and Coleridge had
even planned to found a communistic society in the New World.
Now all three were rallied to the defence of order and
property, to Church and Throne and Constitution. From their
seclusion in the Lakes, Southey and Wordsworth praised the
royal family and celebrated England as the home of freedom;
while Thomson wrote "Rule, Britannia," as if Britons, though
they never, never would be slaves to a foreigner, were to a
home-grown tyranny more blighting, because more stupid, than
that of Napoleon. England had stamped out the Irish rebellion
of 1798 in blood, had forced Ireland by fraud into the Union of
1800, and was strangling her industry and commerce. Catholics
could neither vote nor hold office. At a time when the
population of the United Kingdom was some thirty millions, the
Parliamentary franchise was possessed by no more than a million
persons, and most of the seats in the House of Commons were the
private property of rich men. Representative government did
not exist; whoever agitated for some measure of it was deported
to Australia or forced to fly to America. Glasgow and
Manchester weavers starved and rioted. The press was gagged
and the Habeas Corpus Act constantly suspended. A second
rebellion in Ireland, when Castlereagh "dabbled his sleek young
hands in Erin's gore," was suppressed with unusual ferocity.
In England in 1812 famine drove bands of poor people to wander
and pillage. Under the criminal law, still of medieval
cruelty, death was the punishment for the theft of a loaf or a
sheep. The social organism had come to a deadlock--on the one
hand a starved and angry populace, on the other a vast
Church-and-King party, impregnably powerful, made up of all who
had "a stake in the country."  The strain was not to be
relieved until the Reform Act of 1832 set the wheels in motion
again; they then moved painfully indeed, but still they moved.
Meanwhile Parliament was the stronghold of selfish interests;
the Church was the jackal of the gentry; George III, who lost
the American colonies and maintained negro slavery, was on the
throne, until he went mad and was succeeded by his profligate
son.

Shelley said of himself that he was

"A nerve o'er which do creep
The else unfelt oppressions of this earth,"

and all the shades of this dark picture are reflected in his
life and in his verse. He was the eldest son of a Sussex
family that was loyally Whig and moved in the orbit of the
Catholic Dukes of Norfolk, and the talk about emancipation
which he would hear at home may partly explain his amazing
invasion of Ireland in 1811-12, when he was nineteen years old,
with the object of procuring Catholic emancipation and the
repeal of the Union Act--subjects on which he was quite
ignorant. He addressed meetings, wasted money, and distributed
two pamphlets "consisting of the benevolent and tolerant
deductions of philosophy reduced into the simplest language."
Later on, when he had left England for ever, he still followed
eagerly the details of the struggle for freedom at home, and in
1819 composed a group of poems designed to stir the masses from
their lethargy. Lord Liverpool's administration was in office,
with Sidmouth as Home Secretary and Castlereagh as Foreign
Secretary, a pair whom he thus pillories:

    "As a shark and dog-fish wait
      Under an Atlantic Isle,
    For the negro ship, whose freight
    Is the theme of their debate,
      Wrinkling their red gills the while--

     Are ye, two vultures sick for battle,
       Two scorpions under one wet stone,
     Two bloodless wolves whose dry throats rattle,
     Two crows perched on the murrained cattle,
       Two vipers tangled into one."

The most effective of these bitter poems is 'The Masque of
Anarchy', called forth by the "Peterloo Massacre" at Manchester
on August 16, 1819, when hussars had charged a peaceable
meeting held in support of Parliamentary reform, killing six
people and wounding some seventy others. Shelley's frenzy of
indignation poured itself out in the terrific stanzas, written
in simplest language so as to be understood by the people,
which tell how
     
     "I met a murder on the way--
     He had a mask like Castlereagh--
     Very smooth he looked, yet grim;
     Seven blood-hounds followed him."

The same year and mood produced the great sonnet, 'England in
1819'--
     
     "An old, mad, blind, despised and dying king,
     Princes, the dregs of their dull race, who flow
     Through public scorn,--mud from a muddy spring."

and to the same group belongs that not quite successful essay
in sinister humour, 'Swellfoot the Tyrant' (1820), suggested by
the grunting of pigs at an Italian fair, and burlesquing the
quarrel between the Prince Regent and his wife. When the
Princess of Wales (Caroline of Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel), after
having left her husband and perambulated Europe with a
paramour, returned, soon after the Prince's accession as George
IV, to claim her position as Queen, the royal differences
became an affair of high national importance. The divorce case
which followed was like a gangrenous eruption symptomatic of
the distempers of the age. Shelley felt that sort of disgust
which makes a man rave and curse under the attacks of some
loathsome disease; if he laughs, it is the laugh of frenzy. In
the slight Aristophanic drama of 'Swellfoot', which was sent
home, published, and at once suppressed, he represents the men
of England as starving pigs content to lap up such diluted
hog's-wash as their tyrant, the priests, and the soldiers will
allow them. At the end, when the pigs, rollicking after the
triumphant Princess, hunt down their oppressors, we cannot help
feeling a little sorry that he does not glide from the
insistent note of piggishness into some gentler mood: their is
a rasping quality in his humour, even though it is always on
the side of right. He wrote one good satire though. This is
'Peter Bell the Third' (1819), an attack on Wordsworth, partly
literary for the dulness of his writing since he had been sunk
in clerical respectability, partly political for his renegade
flunkyism.

In 1820 the pall which still hung over northern Europe began to
lift in the south. After Napoleon's downfall the Congress of
Vienna (1814-16) had parcelled Europe out on the principle of
disregarding national aspirations and restoring the legitimate
rulers. This system, which could not last, was first shaken by
revolutions that set up constitutional governments in Spain and
Naples. Shelley hailed these streaks of dawn with joy, and
uttered his enthusiasm in two odes--the 'Ode to Liberty' and
the 'Ode to Naples'--the most splendid of those cries of hope
and prophecy with which a long line of English poets has
encouraged the insurrection of the nations. Such cries,
however, have no visible effect on the course of events.
Byron's jingles could change the face of the world, while all
Shelley's pure and lofty aspirations left no mark on history.
And so it was, not with his republican ardours alone, but with
all he undertook. Nothing he did influenced his contemporaries
outside his immediate circle; the public only noticed him to
execrate the atheist, the fiend, and the monster. He felt that
"his name was writ on water," and languished for want of
recognition. His life, a lightning-flash across the
storm-cloud of the age, was a brief but crowded record of
mistakes and disasters, the classical example of the rule that
genius is an infinite capacity for getting into trouble.

Though poets must "learn in suffering what they teach in song,"
there is often a vein of comedy in their lives. If we could
transport ourselves to Miller's Hotel, Westminster Bridge, on a
certain afternoon in the early spring of 1811, we should behold
a scene apparently swayed entirely by the Comic Muse. The
member for Shoreham, Mr. Timothy Shelley, a handsome,
consequential gentleman of middle age, who piques himself on
his enlightened opinions, is expecting two guests to
dinner--his eldest son, and his son's friend, T. J. Hogg, who
have just been sent down from Oxford for a scandalous affair of
an aesthetical squib. When the young men arrive at five
o'clock, Mr. Shelley receives Hogg, an observant and
cool-headed person, with graciousness, and an hour is spent in
conversation. Mr. Shelley runs on strangely, "in an odd,
unconnected manner, scolding, crying, swearing, and then
weeping again."  After dinner, his son being out of the room,
he expresses his surprise to Hogg at finding him such a
sensible fellow, and asks him what is to be done with the
scapegoat. "Let him be married to a girl who will sober him."
The wine moves briskly round, and Mr. Shelley becomes maudlin
and tearful again. He is a model magistrate, the terror and
the idol of poachers; he is highly respected in the House of
Commons, and the Speaker could not get through the session
without him. Then he drifts to religion. God exists, no one
can deny it; in fact, he has the proof in his pocket. Out
comes a piece of paper, and arguments are read aloud, which his
son recognises as Palley's. "Yes, they are Palley's arguments,
but he had them from me; almost everything in Palley's book he
had taken from me."  The boy of nineteen, who listens fuming to
this folly, takes it all with fatal seriousness. In appearance
he is no ordinary being. A shock of dark brown hair makes his
small round head look larger than it really is; from beneath a
pale, freckled forehead, deep blue eyes, large and mild as a
stag's, beam an earnestness which easily flashes into
enthusiasm; the nose is small and turn-up, the beardless lips
girlish and sensitive. He is tall, but stoops, and has an air
of feminine fragility, though his bones and joints are large.
Hands and feet, exquisitely shaped, are expressive of high
breeding. His expensive, handsome clothes are disordered and
dusty, and bulging with books. When he speaks, it is in a
strident peacock voice, and there is an abrupt clumsiness in
his gestures, especially in drawing-rooms, where he is ill at
ease, liable to trip in the carpet and upset furniture.
Complete absence of self-consciousness, perfect
disinterestedness, are evident in every tone; it is clear that
he is an aristocrat, but it is also clear that he is a saint.

The catastrophe of expulsion from Oxford would have been
impossible in a well-regulated university, but Percy Bysshe
Shelley could not have fitted easily into any system. Born at
Field Place, Horsham, Sussex, on August 4, 1792, simultaneously
with the French Revolution, he had more than a drop of wildness
in his blood. The long pedigree of the Shelley family is full
of turbulent ancestors, and the poet's grandfather, Sir Bysshe,
an eccentric old miser who lived until 1815, had been married
twice, on both occasions eloping with an heiress. Already at
Eton Shelley was a rebel and a pariah. Contemptuous of
authority, he had gone his own way, spending pocket-money on
revolutionary literature, trying to raise ghosts, and dabbling
in chemical experiments. As often happens to queer boys, his
school-fellows herded against him, pursuing him with blows and
cries of "Mad Shelley."  But the holidays were happy. There
must have been plenty of fun at Field Place when he told his
sisters stories about the alchemist in the attic or "the Great
Tortoise that lived in Warnham Pond," frightened them with
electric shocks, and taught his baby brother to say devil.
There is something of high-spirited fun even in the raptures
and despairs of his first love for his cousin, Harriet Grove.
He tried to convert her to republican atheism, until the
family, becoming alarmed, interfered, and Harriet was disposed
of otherwise. "Married to a clod of earth!" exclaims Shelley.
He spent nights "pacing the churchyard," and slept with a
loaded pistol and poison beside him.

He went in to residence at University College, Oxford, in the
Michaelmas term of 1810. The world must always bless the
chance which sent Thomas Jefferson Hogg a freshman to the same
college at the same time, and made him Shelley's friend. The
chapters in which Hogg describes their live at Oxford are the
best part of his biography. In these lively pages we see, with
all the force of reality, Shelley working by fits in a litter
of books and retorts and "galvanic troughs," and discoursing on
the vast possibilities of science for making mankind happy; how
chemistry will turn deserts into cornfields, and even the air
and water will year fire and food; how Africa will be explored
by balloons, of which the shadows, passing over the jungles,
will emancipate the slaves. In the midst he would rush out to
a lecture on mineralogy, and come back sighing that it was all
about "stones, stones, stones"! The friends read Plato
together, and held endless talk of metaphysics, pre-existence,
and the sceptical philosophy, on winter walks across country,
and all night beside the fire, until Shelley would curl up on
the hearthrug and go to sleep. He was happy because he was left
to himself. With all his thoughts and impulses, ill-controlled
indeed, but directed to the acquisition of knowledge for the
benefit of the world, such a student would nowadays be a marked
man, applauded and restrained. But the Oxford of that day was
a home of "chartered laziness."  An academic circle absorbed in
intrigues for preferment, and enlivened only by drunkenness and
immorality, could offer nothing but what was repugnant to
Shelley. He remained a solitary until the hand of authority
fell and expelled him.

He had always had a habit of writing to strangers on the
subjects next his heart. Once he approached Miss Felicia
Dorothea Browne (afterwards Mrs. Hemans), who had not been
encouraging. Now half in earnest, and half with an impish
desire for dialectical scores, he printed a pamphlet on 'The
Necessity of Atheism', a single foolscap sheet concisely
proving that no reason for the existence of God can be valid,
and sent it to various personages, including bishops, asking
for a refutation. It fell into the hands of the college
authorities. Summoned before the council to say whether he was
the author, Shelley very properly refused to answer, and was
peremptorily expelled, together with Hogg, who had intervened
in his behalf.

The pair went to London, and took lodgings in a house where a
wall-paper with a vine-trellis pattern caught Shelley's fancy.
Mr. Timothy Shelley appeared on the scene, and, his feelings as
a Christian and a father deeply outraged, did the worst thing
he could possibly have done--he made forgiveness conditional on
his son's giving up his friend. The next step was to cut off
supplies and to forbid Field Place to him, lest he should
corrupt his sisters' minds. Soon Hogg had to go to York to
work in a conveyancer's office, and Shelley was left alone in
London, depressed, a martyr, and determined to save others from
similar persecution. In this mood he formed a connection
destined to end in tragedy. His sisters were at a school at
Clapham, where among the girls was one Harriet Westbrook, the
sixteen-year-old daughter of a coffee-house keeper. Shelley
became intimate with the Westbrooks, and set about saving the
soul of Harriet, who had a pretty rosy face, a neat figure, and
a glib school-girl mind quick to catch up and reproduce his
doctrines. The child seems to have been innocent enough, but
her elder sister, Eliza, a vulgar woman of thirty, used her as
a bait to entangle the future baronet; she played on Shelley's
feelings by encouraging Harriet to believe herself the victim
of tyranny at school. Still, it was six months before he took
the final step. How he could save Harriet from scholastic and
domestic bigotry was a grave question. In the first place,
hatred of "matrimonialism" was one of his principles, yet it
seemed unfair to drag a helpless woman into the risks of
illicit union; in the second place, he was at this time
passionately interested in another woman, a certain Miss
Hitchener, a Sussex school mistress of republican and deistic
principles, whom he idealised as an angel, only to discover
soon, with equal falsity, that she was a demon. At last
Harriet was worked up to throw herself on his protection. They
fled by the northern mail, dropping at York a summons to Hogg
to join them, and contracted a Scottish marriage at Edinburgh
on August 28, 1811.

The story of the two years and nine months during which Shelley
lived with Harriet must seem insane to a rational mind. Life
was one comfortless picnic. When Shelley wanted food, he would
dart into a shop and buy a loaf or a handful of raisins.
Always accompanied by Eliza, they changed their dwelling-place
more than twelve times. Edinburgh, York, Keswick, Dublin,
Nantgwillt, Lynmouth, Tremadoc, Tanyrallt, Killarney, London
(Half Moon Street and Pimlico), Bracknell, Edinburgh again, and
Windsor, successively received this fantastic household. Each
fresh house was the one where they were to abide for ever, and
each formed the base of operations for some new scheme of
comprehensive beneficence. Thus at Tremadoc, on the Welsh
coast, Shelley embarked on the construction of an embankment to
reclaim a drowned tract of land; 'Queen Mab' was written partly
in Devonshire and partly in Wales; and from Ireland, where he
had gone to regenerate the country, he opened correspondence
with William Godwin, the philosopher and author of 'Political
Justice'. His energy in entering upon ecstatic personal
relations was as great as that which he threw into
philanthropic schemes; but the relations, like the schemes,
were formed with no notion of adapting means to ends, and were
often dropped as hurriedly. Eliza Westbrook, at first a woman
of estimable qualities, quickly became "a blind and loathsome
worm that cannot see to sting", Miss Hitchener, who had been
induced to give up her school and come to live with them "for
ever," was discovered to be a "brown demon," and had to be
pensioned off. He loved his wife for a time, but they drifted
apart, and he found consolation in a sentimental attachment to
a Mrs. Boinville and her daughter, Cornelia Turner, ladies who
read Italian poetry with him and sang to guitars. Harriet had
borne him a daughter, Ianthe, but she herself was a child, who
soon wearied of philosophy and of being taught Latin; naturally
she wanted fine clothes, fashion, a settlement. Egged on by
her sister, she spent on plate and a carriage the money that
Shelley would have squandered on humanity at large. Money
difficulties and negotiations with his father were the
background of all this period. On March 24, 1814, he married
Harriet in church, to settle any possible question as to the
legitimacy of his children; but they parted soon after.
Attempts were made at reconciliation, which might have.
succeeded had not Shelley during this summer drifted into a
serious and relatively permanent passion. He made financial
provision for his wife, who gave birth to a second child, a
boy, on November 30, 1814; but, as the months passed, and
Shelley was irrevocably bound to another, she lost heart for
life in the dreariness of her father's house. An Irish officer
took her for his mistress, and on December 10, 1816, she was
found drowned in the Serpentine. Twenty days later Shelley
married his second wife.

This marriage was the result of his correspondence with William
Godwin, which had ripened into intimacy, based on community of
principles, with the Godwin household. The philosopher, a
short, stout old man, presided, with his big bald head, his
leaden complexion, and his air of a dissenting minister, over a
heterogeneous family at 41 Skinner Street, Holborn, supported
in scrambling poverty by the energy of the second Mrs. Godwin,
who carried on a business of publishing children's books. In
letters of the time we see Mrs. Godwin as a fat little woman in
a black velvet dress, bad-tempered and untruthful. "She is a
very disgusting woman, and wears green spectacles," said
Charles Lamb. Besides a small son of the Godwins, the family
contained four other members--Clara Mary Jane Clairmont and
Charles Clairmont (Mrs. Godwin's children by a previous
marriage), Fanny Godwin (as she was called), and Mary Godwin.
These last two were the daughters of Mary Wollstonecraft, the
author of 'The Rights of Women', the great feminist, who had
been Godwin's first wife. Fanny's father was a scamp called
Imlay, and Mary was Godwin's child.

Mary disliked her stepmother, and would wander on fine days to
read beside her mother's grave in Old St. Pancras Churchyard.
This girl of seventeen had a strong if rather narrow mind; she
was imperious, ardent, and firm-willed. She is said to have
been very pale, with golden hair and a large forehead, redeemed
from commonplace by hazel eyes which had a piercing look. When
sitting, she appeared to be of more than average height; when
she stood, you saw that she had her father's stumpy legs.
Intellectually, and by the solidity of her character, she was
better fitted to be Shelley's mate than any other woman he ever
came across. It was natural that she should be interested in
this bright creature, fallen as from another world into their
dingy, squabbling family. If it was inevitable that her
interest, touched with pity (for he was in despair over the
collapse of his life with Harriet), should quickly warm to
love, we must insist that the rapture with which he leaped to
meet her had some foundation in reality. That she was gifted
is manifest in her writings-- chiefly, no doubt, in
'Frankenstein', composed when she had Shelley to fire her
imagination; but her other novels are competent, and her
letters are the work of a vigorous intellect. She had her
limitations. She was not quite so free from conventionality as
either he or she believed; but on the whole they were neither
deceiving themselves nor one another when they plighted faith
by Mary Wollstonecraft's grave. With their principles, it was
nothing that marriage was impossible. Without the knowledge of
the elder Godwins, they made arrangements to elope, and on July
28, 1814, crossed from Dover to Calais in an open boat, taking
Jane Clairmont with them on the spur of the moment. Jane also
had been unhappy in Skinner Street. She was about Mary's age, a
pert, olive-complexioned girl, with a strong taste for life.
She changed her name to Claire because it sounded more
romantic.

Mrs. Godwin pursued the fugitives to Calais, but in vain.
Shelley was now launched on a new life with a new bride, and--a
freakish touch--accompanied as before by his bride's sister.
The more his life changed, the more it was the same thing--the
same plunging without forethought, the same disregard for all
that is conventionally deemed necessary. His courage is often
praised, and rightly, though we ought not to forget that
ignorance, and even obtuseness, were large ingredients in it.
As far as they had any plan, it was to reach Switzerland and
settle on the banks of some lake, amid sublime mountain
scenery, "for ever."  In fact, the tour lasted but six weeks.
Their difficulties began in Paris, where only an accident
enabled Shelley to raise funds. Then they moved slowly across
war-wasted France, Mary and Claire, in black silk dresses,
riding by turns on a mule, and Shelley walking. Childish
happiness glows in their journals. From Troyes Shelley wrote
to the abandoned Harriet, in perfect good faith, pressing her
to join them in Switzerland. There were sprained ankles, dirty
inns, perfidious and disobliging drivers--the ordinary
misadventures of the road, magnified a thousand times by their
helplessness, and all transfigured in the purple light of youth
and the intoxication of literature. At last they reached the
Lake of Lucerne, settled at Brunnen, and began feverishly to
read and write. Shelley worked at a novel called 'The
Assassins', and we hear of him "sitting on a rude pier by the
lake" and reading aloud the siege of Jerusalem from Tacitus.
Soon they discovered that they had only just enough money left
to take them home. Camp was struck in haste, and they
travelled down the Rhine. When their boat was detained at
Marsluys, all three sat writing in the cabin--Shelley his
novel, Mary a story called 'Hate', and Claire a story called
'The Idiot'--until they were tossed across to England, and
reached London after borrowing passage-money from the captain.

The winter was spent in poverty, dodging creditors through the
labyrinthine gloom of the town. Chronic embarrassment was
caused by Shelley's extravagant credulity. His love of the
astonishing, his readiness to believe merely because a thing
was impossible, made him the prey of every impostor. Knowing
that he was heir to a large fortune, he would subsidise any
project or any grievance, only provided it were wild enough.
Godwin especially was a running sore both now and later on; the
philosopher was at the beginning of that shabby 'degringolade'
which was to end in the ruin of his self-respect. In spite of
his anti-matrimonial principles, he was indignant at his
disciple's elopement with his daughter, and, in spite of his
philosophy, he was not above abusing and sponging in the same
breath. The worst of these difficulties, however, came to an
end when Shelley's grandfather died on January 6, 1815, and he
was able, after long negotiations, to make an arrangement with
his father, by which his debts were paid and he received an
income of 1000 pounds a year in consideration of his abandoning
his interest in part of the estate.

And now, the financial muddle partly smoothed out, his genius
began to bloom in the congenial air of Mary's companionship.
The summer of 1815 spent in rambles in various parts of the
country, saw the creation of Alastor. Early in 1816 Mary gave
birth to her first child, a boy, William, and in the spring,
accompanied by the baby and Claire, they made a second
expedition to Switzerland. A little in advance another poet
left England for ever. George Gordon, Lord Byron, loaded with
fame and lacerated by chagrin, was beginning to bear through
Europe that 'pageant of his bleeding heart" of which the first
steps are celebrated in 'Childe Harold'. Unknown to Shelley
and Mary, there was already a link between them and the
luxurious "pilgrim of eternity' rolling towards Geneva in his
travelling-carriage, with physician and suite: Claire had
visited Byron in the hope that he might help her to employment
at Drury Lane Theatre, and, instead of going on the stage, had
become his mistress. Thus united, but strangely dissimilar, the
two parties converged on the Lake of Geneva, where the poets
met for the first time. Shelley, though jarred by Byron's
worldliness and pride, was impressed by his creative power, and
the days they spent sailing on the lake, and wandering in a
region haunted by the spirit of Rousseau, were fruitful. The
'Hymn to Intellectual Beauty' and the 'Lines on Mont Blanc'
were conceived this summer. In September the Shelleys were
back in England.

But England, though he had good friends like Peacock and the
Leigh Hunts, was full of private and public troubles, and was
not to hold him long. The country was agitated by riots due to
unemployment. The Government, frightened and vindictive, was
multiplying trials for treason and blasphemous libel, and
Shelley feared he might be put in the pillory himself. Mary's
sister Fanny, to whom he was attached, killed herself in
October; Harriet's suicide followed in December; and in the
same winter the Westbrooks began to prepare their case for the
Chancery suit, which ended in the permanent removal of
Harriet's children from his custody, on the grounds that his
immoral conduct and opinions unfitted him to be their guardian.
His health, too, seems to have been bad, though it is hard to
know precisely how bad. He was liable to hallucinations of all
kinds; the line between imagination and reality, which ordinary
people draw quite definitely, seems scarcely to have existed
for him. There are many stories as to which it is disputed how
far, if at all, reality is mixed with dream, as in the case of
the murderous assault he believed to have been made on him one
night of wind and rain in Wales; of the veiled lady who offered
to join her life to his; of the Englishman who, hearing him ask
for letters in the post-office at Pisa or Florence, exclaimed,
"What, are you that damned atheist Shelley?"  and felled him to
the ground. Often he would go half frantic with delusions--as
that his father and uncle were plotting to shut him up in a
madhouse, and that his boy William would be snatched from him
by the law. Ghosts were more familiar to him than flesh and
blood. Convinced that he was wasting with a fatal disease, he
would often make his certainty of early death the pretext for
abandoning some ill-considered scheme; but there is probably
much exaggeration in the spasms and the consumptive symptoms
which figure so excitedly in his letters. Hogg relates how he
once plagued himself and his friends by believing that he had
elephantiasis, and says that he was really very healthy The
truth seems to be that his constitution was naturally strong,
though weakened from time to time by neurotic conditions, in
which mental pain brought on much physical pain, and by
irregular infrequent, and scanty meals.

In February 1817 he settled at Marlow with Mary and Claire.
Claire, as a result of her intrigue with Byron--of which the
fruit was a daughter, Allegra, born in January--was now a
permanent charge on his affectionate generosity. It seemed
that their wanderings were at last over. At Marlow he busied
himself with politics and philanthropy, and wrote 'The Revolt
of Islam'. But, partly because the climate was unsuitable,
partly from overwork in visiting and helping the poor, his
health was thought to be seriously endangered. In March 1818,
together with the five souls dependent on him-- Claire and her
baby, Mary and her two babies (a second, Clara, had been born
about six months before)--he left England, never to return.

Mary disliked hot weather, but it always put Shelley in
spirits, and his best work was done beneath the sultry blue of
Italian skies, floating in a boat on the Serchio or the Arno,
baking in a glazed cage on the roof of a Tuscan villa, or lying
among the ruins of the Coliseum or in the pine-woods near Pisa.
Their Italian wanderings are too intricate to be traced in
detail here. It was a chequered time, darkened by disaster and
cheered by friendships. Both their children died, Clara at
Venice in 1818, and William at home in 1819. It is impossible
not to be amazed at the heedlessness--the long journeys in a
rough foreign land, the absence of ordinary provision against
ailments--which seems to have caused the death of these beloved
little beings. The birth in 1819 of another son, Percy (who
survived to become Sir Percy Shelley), brought some comfort.
Claire's troubles, again, were a constant anxiety. Shelley
worked hard to persuade Byron either to let her have Allegra or
to look after his daughter properly himself; but he was
obdurate, and the child died in a convent near Venice in 1822.
Shelley's association with Byron, of whom, in 'Julian and
Maddalo' (1818), he has drawn a picture with the darker
features left out, brought as much pain as pleasure to all
concerned. No doubt Byron's splenetic cynicism, even his
parade of debauchery, was largely an assumption for the benefit
of the world; but beneath the frankness, the cheerfulness, the
wit of his intimate conversation, beneath his careful
cultivation of the graces of a Regency buck, he was
fundamentally selfish and treacherous. Provided no serious
demands were made upon him, he enjoyed the society of Shelley
and his circle, and the two were much together, both at Venice
and in the Palazzo Lanfranchi at Pisa, where, with a menagerie
of animals and retainers, Byron had installed himself in those
surroundings of Oriental ostentation which it amused him to
affect.

A more unalloyed friendship was that with the amiable Gisborne
family, settled at Leghorn; its serene cheerfulness is
reflected in Shelley's charming rhymed 'Letter to Maria
Gisborne'. And early in 1821 they were joined by a young
couple who proved very congenial. Ned Williams was a half-pay
lieutenant of dragoons, with literary and artistic tastes, and
his wife, Jane, had a sweet, engaging manner, and a good
singing voice. Then there was the e'citing discovery of the
Countess Emilia Viviani, imprisoned in a convent by a jealous
step-mother. All three of them--Mary, Claire, and Shelley--at
once fell in love with the dusky beauty. Impassioned letters
passed between her and Shelley, in which he was her "dear
brother" and she his "dearest sister"; but she was soon found
to be a very ordinary creature, and is only remembered as the
instrument chosen by chance to inspire 'Epipsychidion'.
Finally there appeared, in January 1822, the truest-hearted and
the most lovable of all Shelley's friends. Edward John
Trelawny, a cadet of a Cornish family, "with his knight-errant
aspect, dark, handsome, and moustachioed," was the true
buccaneer of romance, but of honest English grain, and without
a trace of pose. The devotion with which, though he only knew
Shelley for a few months, he fed in memory on their friendship
to the last day of his life, brings home to us, as nothing else
can, the force of Shelley's personal attraction; for this man
lived until 1881, an almost solitary survivor from the Byronic
age, and his life contained matter enough to swamp recollection
of half-a-dozen poets. It seems that, after serving in the
navy and deserting from an East Indiaman at Bombay, he passed,
in the Eastern Archipelago, through the incredible experiences
narrated in his 'Adventures of a Younger Son'; and all this
before he was twenty-one, for in 1813 he was in England and
married. Then he disappeared, bored by civilisation; nothing
is known of him until 1820, when he turns up in Switzerland in
pursuit of sport and adventure. After Shelley's death he went
to Greece with Byron, joined the rebel chief Odysseus, married
his sister Tersitza, and was nearly killed in defending a cave
on Mount Parnassus. Through the subsequent years, which
included wanderings in America, and a narrow escape from
drowning in trying to swim Niagara, he kept pressing Shelley's
widow to marry him. Perhaps because he was piqued by Mary's
refusal, he has left a rather unflattering portrait of her. He
was indignant at her desire to suppress parts of 'Queen Mab';
but he might have admired the honesty with which she retained
'Epipsychidion', although that poem describes her as a "cold
chaste moon."  The old sea-captain in Sir John Millais'
picture, "The North-West Passage," now in the Tate Gallery in
London, is a portrait of Trelawny in old age.

To return to the Shelleys. It was decided that the summer of
1822 should be spent with the Williamses, and after some search
a house just capable of holding both families was found near
Lerici, on the east side of the Bay of Spezzia. It was a
lonely, wind-swept place, with its feet in the waves. The
natives were half-savage; there was no furniture, and no
facility for getting provisions. The omens opened badly. At
the moment of moving in, news of Allegra's death came; Shelley
was shaken and saw visions, and Mary disliked the place at
first sight. Still, there was the sea washing their terrace,
and Shelley loved the sea (there is scarcely one of his poems
in which a boat does not figure, though it is usually made of
moonstone); and, while Williams fancied himself as a navigator,
Trelawny was really at home on the water. A certain Captain
Roberts was commissioned to get a boat built at Genoa, where
Byron also was fitting out a yacht, the 'Bolivar'. When the
'Ariel'--for so they called her--arrived, the friends were
delighted with her speed and handiness. She was a
thirty-footer, without a deck, ketch-rigged.[1] Shelley's
health was good, and this June, passed in bathing, sailing,
reading, and hearing Jane sing simple melodies to her guitar in
the moonlight, was a gleam of happiness before the end. It was
not so happy for Mary, who was ill and oppressed with
housekeeping for two families, and over whose relations with
Shelley a film of querulous jealousy had crept.

[1 Professor Dowden, 'Life of Shelley', vol. ii., p. 501, says
"schooner-rigged."  This is a landsman's mistake.]

Leigh Hunt, that amiable, shiftless, Radical man of letters,
was coming out from England with his wife; on July 1st Shelley
and Williams sailed in the 'Ariel' to Leghorn to meet them, and
settle them into the ground-floor of Byron's palace at Pisa.
His business despatched, Shelley returned from Pisa to Leghorn,
with Hunt's copy of Keats's 'Hyperion' in his pocket to read on
the voyage home. Though the weather looked threatening, he put
to sea again on July 8th, with Williams and an English
sailor-boy. Trelawny wanted to convoy them in Byron's yacht,
but was turned back by the authorities because he had no
port-clearance. The air was sultry and still, with a storm
brewing, and he went down to his cabin and slept. When he
awoke, it was to see fishing-boats running into harbour under
bare poles amid the hubbub of a thunder-squall. In that squall
the 'Ariel' disappeared. It is doubtful whether the
unseaworthy craft was merely swamped, or whether, as there is
some reason to suppose, an Italian felucca ran her down with
intent to rob the Englishmen. In any case, the calamity is the
crowning example of that combination of bad management and bad
luck which dogged Shelley all his life. It was madness to
trust an open boat, manned only by the inexperienced Williams
and a boy (for Shelley was worse than useless), to the chances
of a Mediterranean storm. And destiny turns on trifles; if the
'Bolivar' had been allowed to sail, Trelawny might have saved
them.

He sent out search-parties, and on July 19th sealed the
despairing women's certainty of disaster by the news that the
bodies had been washed ashore. Shelley's was identified by a
copy of Sophocles in one coat-pocket and the Keats in another.
What Trelawny then did was an action of that perfect fitness to
which only the rarest natures are prompted: he charged himself
with the business of burning the bodies. This required some
organisation. There were official formalities to fulfil, and
the materials had to be assembled--the fuel, the improvised
furnace, the iron bars, salt and wine and oil to pour upon the
pyre. In his artless 'Records' he describes the last scene on
the seashore. Shelley's body was given to the flames on a day
of intense heat, when the islands lay hazy along the horizon,
and in the background the marble-flecked Apennines gleamed.
Byron looked on until he could stand it no longer, and swam off
to his yacht. The heart was the last part to be consumed. By
Trelawny's care the ashes were buried in the Protestant
cemetery at Rome.

It is often sought to deepen our sense of this tragedy by
speculating on what Shelley would have done if he had lived.
But, if such a question must be asked, there are reasons for
thinking that he might not have added much to his reputation.
It may indeed be an accident that his last two years were less
fertile in first-rate work than the years 1819 and 1820, and
that his last unfinished poem, 'The Triumph of Life', is even
more incoherent than its predecessors; yet, when we consider
the nature of his talent, the fact is perhaps significant. His
song was entirely an affair of uncontrolled afflatus, and this
is a force which dwindles in middle life, leaving stranded the
poet who has no other resource. Some men suffer spiritual
upheavals and eclipses, in which they lose their old selves and
emerge with new and different powers; but we may be fairly sure
that this would not have happened to Shelley, that as he grew
older he would always have returned to much the same
impressions; for his mind, of one piece through and through,
had that peculiar rigidity which can sometimes be observed in
violently unstable characters. The colour of his emotion would
have fluctuated--it took on, as it was, a deepening shade of
melancholy; but there is no indication that the material on
which it worked would have changed.

Chapter II Principal Writings

The true visionary is often a man of action, and Shelley was a
very peculiar combination of the two. He was a dreamer, but he
never dreamed merely for the sake of dreaming; he always rushed
to translate his dreams into acts. The practical side of him
was so strong that he might have been a great statesman or
reformer, had not his imagination, stimulated by a torrential
fluency of language, overborne his will. He was like a boat
(the comparison would have pleased him) built for strength and
speed, but immensely oversparred. His life was a scene of
incessant bustle. Glancing through his poems, letters,
diaries, and pamphlets, his translations from Greek, Spanish,
German, and Italian, and remembering that he died at thirty,
and was, besides, feverishly active in a multitude of affairs,
we fancy that his pen can scarcely ever have been out of his
hand. And not only was he perpetually writing; he read
gluttonously. He would thread the London traffic, nourishing
his unworldly mind from an open book held in one hand, and his
ascetic body from a hunch of bread held in the other. This
fury for literature seized him early. But the quality of his
early work was astonishingly bad. An author while still a
schoolboy, he published in 1810 a novel, written for the most
part when he was seventeen years old, called 'Zastrozzi', the
mere title of which, with its romantic profusion of sibilants,
is eloquent of its nature. This was soon followed by another
like it, 'St. Irvyne, or the Rosicrucian'. Whether they are
adaptations from the German [2] or not, these books are merely
bad imitations of the bad school then in vogue, the
flesh-creeping school of skeletons and clanking chains, of
convulsions and ecstasies, which Miss Austen, though no one
knew it, had killed with laughter years before.[3] "Verezzi
scarcely now shuddered when the slimy lizard crossed his naked
and motionless limbs. The large earthworms, which twined
themselves in his long and matted hair, almost ceased to excite
sensations of horror"--that is the kind of stuff in which the
imagination of the young Shelley rioted. And evidently it is
not consciously imagined; life really presented itself to him
as a romance of this kind, with himself as hero--a hero who is
a hopeless lover, blighted by premature decay, or a wanderer
doomed to share the sins and sorrows of mankind to all
eternity. This attitude found vent in a mass of sentimental
verse and prose, much of it more or less surreptitiously
published, which the researches of specialists have brought to
light, and which need not be dwelt upon here.

[2 So Mr. H. B. Forman suggests in the introduction to his
edition of Shelley's Prose Works. But Hogg says that he did
not begin learning German until 1815.]

[3 'Northanger Abbey', satirising Mrs. Radcliffe's novels, was
written before 1798, but was not published until 1818.]

But very soon another influence began to mingle with this
feebly extravagant vein, an influence which purified and
strengthened, though it never quite obliterated it. At school
he absorbed, along with the official tincture of classical
education, a violent private dose of the philosophy of the
French Revolution; he discovered that all that was needed to
abolish all the evil done under the sun was to destroy bigotry,
intolerance, and persecution as represented by religious and
monarchical institutions. At first this influence combined
with his misguided literary passions only to heighten the whole
absurdity, as when he exclaims, in a letter about his first
disappointed love, "I swear, and as I break my oaths, may
Infinity, Eternity, blast me--never will I forgive
Intolerance!"  The character of the romance is changed indeed;
it has become an epic of human regeneration, and its emotions
are dedicated to the service of mankind; but still it is a
romance. The results, however, are momentous; for the hero,
being a man of action, is no longer content to write and pay
for the printing: in his capacity of liberator he has to step
into the arena, and, above all, he has to think out a
philosophy.

An early manifestation of this impulse was the Irish enterprise
already mentioned. Public affairs always stirred him, but, as
time went on, it was more and more to verse and less to
practical intervention, and after 1817 he abandoned argument
altogether for song. But one pamphlet, 'A Proposal for putting
Reform to the Vote' (1817), is characteristic of the way in
which he was always labouring to do something, not merely to
ventilate existing evils, but to promote some practical scheme
for abolishing them. Let a national referendum, he says, be
held on the question of reform, and let it be agreed that the
result shall be binding on Parliament; he himself will
contribute 100 pounds a year (one-tenth of his income) to the
expenses of organisation. He is in favour of annual
Parliaments. Though a believer in universal suffrage, he
prefers to advance by degrees; it would not do to abolish
aristocracy and monarchy at one stroke, and to put power into
the hands of men rendered brutal and torpid by ages of slavery;
and he proposes that the payment of a small sum in direct taxes
should be the qualification for the parliamentary franchise.
The idea, of course, was not in the sphere of practical
politics at the time, but its sobriety shows how far Shelley
was from being a vulgar theory-ridden crank to whom the years
bring no wisdom.

Meanwhile it had been revealed to him that "intolerance" was
the cause of all evil, and, in the same flash, that it could be
destroyed by clear and simple reasoning. Apply the acid of
enlightened argument, and religious beliefs will melt away, and
with them the whole rotten fabric which they support--crowns
and churches, lust and cruelty, war and crime, the inequality
of women to men, and the inequality of one man to another.
With Shelley, to embrace the dazzling vision was to act upon it
at once. The first thing, since religion is at the bottom of
all force and fraud, was to proclaim that there is no reason
for believing in Christianity. This was easy enough, and a
number of impatient argumentative pamphlets were dashed off.
One of these, 'The Necessity of Atheism', caused, as we saw, a
revolution in his life. But, while Christian dogma was the
heart of the enemy's position, there were out-works which might
also be usefully attacked:--there were alcohol and meat, the
causes of all disease and devastating passion; there were
despotism and plutocracy, based on commercial greed; and there
was marriage, which irrationally tyrannising over sexual
relations, produces unnatural celibacy and prostitution. These
threads, and many others, were all taken up in his first
serious poem, 'Queen Mab' (1812-13), an over-long rhapsody,
partly in blank verse, partly in loose metres. The spirit of
Ianthe is rapt by the Fairy Mab in her pellucid car to the
confines of the universe, where the past, present, and future
of the earth are unfolded to the spirit's gaze. We see tyrants
writhing upon their thrones; Ahasuerus, "the wandering Jew," is
introduced; the consummation on earth of the age of reason is
described. In the end the fairy's car brings the spirit back
to its body, and Ianthe wakes to find

  "Henry, who kneeled in silence by her couch,
   Watching her sleep with looks of speechless love,
     And the bright beaming stars
     That through the casement shone."

Though many poets have begun their careers with something
better than this, 'Queen Mab' will always be read, because it
gives us, in embryo, the whole of Shelley at a stroke. The
melody of the verse is thin and loose, but it soars from the
ground and spins itself into a series of etherial visions. And
these visions, though they look utterly disconnected from
reality, are in fact only an aspect of his passionate interest
in science. In this respect the sole difference between 'Queen
Mab' and such poems as 'The West Wind' and 'The Cloud' is that,
in the prose of the notes appended to 'Queen Mab', with their
disquisitions on physiology and astronomy, determinism and
utilitarianism, the scientific skeleton is explicit. These
notes are a queer medley. We may laugh at their crudity--their
certainty that, once orthodoxy has been destroyed by argument,
the millennium will begin; what is more to the purpose is to
recognise that here is something more than the ordinary
dogmatism of youthful ignorance. There is a flow of vigorous
language, vividness of imagination, and, above all, much
conscientious reasoning and a passion for hard facts. His wife
was not far wrong when she praised him for a 'logical exactness
of reason."  The arguments he uses are, indeed, all
second-hand, and mostly fallacious; but he knew instinctively
something which is for ever hidden from the mass of
mankind--the difference between an argument and a confused
stirring of prejudices. Then, again, he was not content with
abstract generalities: he was always trying to enforce his
views by facts industriously collected from such books of
medicine, anatomy, geology, astronomy, chemistry, and history
as he could get hold of. For instance, he does not preach
abstinence from flesh on pure a priori grounds, but because
"the orang-outang perfectly resembles man both in the order and
number of his teeth."  We catch here what is perhaps the
fundamental paradox of his character--the combination of a
curious rational hardness with the wildest and most romantic
idealism. For all its airiness, his verse was thrown off by a
mind no stranger to thought and research.

We are now on the threshold of Shelley's poetic achievement,
and it will be well before going further to underline the
connection, which persists all through his work and is already
so striking in 'Queen Mab', between his poetry and his
philosophical and religious ideas.

Like Coleridge, he was a philosophical poet. But his
philosophy was much more definite than Coleridge's; it gave
substance to his character and edge to his intellect, and, in
the end, can scarcely be distinguished from the emotion
generating his verse. There is, however, no trace of
originality in his speculative writing, and we need not regret
that, after hesitating whether to be a metaphysician or a poet,
he decided against philosophy. Before finally settling to
poetry, he at one time projected a complete and systematic
account of the operations of the human mind. It was to be
divided into sections--childhood, youth, and so on. One of the
first things to be done was to ascertain the real nature of
dreams, and accordingly, with characteristic passion for a
foundation of fact, he turned to the only facts accessible to
him, and tried to describe exactly his own experiences in
dreaming. The result showed that, along with the scientific
impulse, there was working in him a more powerful antagonistic
force. He got no further than telling how once, when walking
with Hogg near Oxford, he suddenly turned the corner of a lane,
and a scene presented itself which, though commonplace, was yet
mysteriously connected with the obscurer parts of his nature.
A windmill stood in a plashy meadow; behind it was a long low
hill, and "a grey covering of uniform cloud spread over the
evening sky. It was the season of the year when the last leaf
had just fallen from the scant and stunted ash."  The
manuscript concludes: "I suddenly remembered to have seen that
exact scene in some dream of long--Here I was obliged to leave
off, overcome with thrilling horror." And, apart from such
overwhelming surges of emotion from the depths of
sub-consciousness, he does not seem ever to have taken that
sort of interest in the problems of the universe which is
distinctive of the philosopher; in so far as he speculated on
the nature and destiny of the world or the soul, it was not
from curiosity about the truth, but rather because correct
views on these matters seemed to him especially in early years,
an infallible method of regenerating society. As his
expectation of heaven on earth became less confident, so the
speculative impulse waned. Not long before his death he told
Trelawny that he was not inquisitive about the system of the
universe, that his mind was tranquil on these high questions.
He seems, for instance, to have oscillated vaguely between
belief and disbelief in personal life after death, and on the
whole to have concluded that there was no evidence for it.

At the same time, it is essential to a just appreciation of
him, either as man or poet, to see how all his opinions and
feelings were shaped by philosophy, and by the influence of one
particular doctrine. This doctrine was Platonism. He first
went through a stage of devotion to what he calls "the
sceptical philosophy," when his writings were full of schoolboy
echoes of Locke and Hume. At this time he avowed himself a
materialist. Then he succumbed to Bishop Berkeley, who
convinced him that the nature of everything that exists is
spiritual. We find him saying, with charming pompousness, "I
confess that I am one of those who are unable to refuse their
assent to the conclusions of those philosophers who assert that
nothing exists but as it is perceived."  This "intellectual
system," he rightly sees, leads to the view that nothing
whatever exists except a single mind; and that is the view
which he found, or thought that he found, in the dialogues of
Plato, and which gave to his whole being a bent it was never to
lose. He liked to call himself an atheist; and, if pantheism
is atheism, an atheist no doubt he was. But, whatever the
correct label, he was eminently religious. In the notes to
'Queen Mab' he announces his belief in "a pervading Spirit
co-eternal with the universe," and religion meant for him a
"perception of the relation in which we stand to the principle
of the universe"--a perception which, in his case, was
accompanied by intense emotion. Having thus grasped the notion
that the whole universe is one spirit, he absorbed from Plato a
theory which accorded perfectly with his predisposition--the
theory that all the good and beautiful things that we love on
earth are partial manifestations of an absolute beauty or
goodness, which exists eternal and unchanging, and from which
everything that becomes and perishes in time derives such
reality as it has. Hence our human life is good only in so far
as we participate in the eternal reality; and the communion is
effected whenever we adore beauty, whether in nature, or in
passionate love, or in the inspiration of poetry. We shall
have to say something presently about the effects of this
Platonic idealism on Shelley's conception of love; here we need
only notice that it inspired him to translate Plato's
'Symposium', a dialogue occupied almost entirely with theories
about love. He was not, however, well equipped for this task.
His version, or rather adaptation (for much is omitted and much
is paraphrased), is fluent, but he had not enough Greek to
reproduce the finer shades of the original, or, indeed, to
avoid gross mistakes.

A poet who is also a Platonist is likely to exalt his office;
it is his not merely to amuse or to please, but to lead mankind
nearer to the eternal ideal--Shelley called it Intellectual
Beauty--which is the only abiding reality. This is the real
theme of his 'Defence of Poetry' (1821), the best piece of
prose he ever wrote. Thomas Love Peacock, scholar, novelist,
and poet, and, in spite of his mellow worldliness, one of
Shelley's most admired friends, had published a wittily
perverse and paradoxical article, not without much good sense,
on 'The Four Ages of Poetry'. Peacock maintained that genuine
poetry is only possible in half-civilised times, such as the
Homeric or Elizabethan ages, which, after the interval of a
learned period, like that of Pope in England, are inevitably
succeeded by a sham return to nature. What he had in mind was,
of course, the movement represented by Wordsworth, Southey, and
Coleridge, the romantic poets of the Lake School, whom he
describes as a "modern-antique compound of frippery and
barbarism."  He must have greatly enjoyed writing such a
paragraph as this: "A poet in our times is a semi-barbarian in
a civilised community. . . . The march of his intellect is
like that of a crab, backward. The brighter the light diffused
around him by the progress of reason, the thicker is the
darkness of antiquated barbarism in which he buries himself
like a mole, to throw up the barren hillocks of his Cimmerian
labours."  These gay shafts had at any rate the merit of
stinging Shelley to action. 'The Defence of Poetry' was his
reply. People like Peacock treat poetry, and art generally, as
an adventitious seasoning of life--ornamental perhaps, but
rather out of place in a progressive and practical age. Shelley
undermines the whole position by asserting that poetry--a name
which includes for him all serious art--is the very stuff out
of which all that is valuable and real in life is made. "A
poem is the very image of life expressed in its eternal truth."
"The great secret of morals is love, or a going out of our own
nature, and an identification of ourselves with the beautiful
that exists in thought, action, or person, not our own. A man,
to be greatly good, must imagine intensely and comprehensively;
he must put himself in the place of another and of many others;
the pains and pleasures of his species must become his own.
The great instrument of moral good is the imagination."  And it
is on the imagination that poetry works, strengthening it as
exercises strengthen a limb. Historically, he argues, good
poetry always coexists with good morals; for instance, when
social life decays, drama decays. Peacock had said that
reasoners and mechanical inventors are more useful than poets.
The reply is that, left to themselves, they simply make the
world worse, while it is poets and "poetical philosophers" who
produce "true utility," or pleasure in the highest sense.
Without poetry, the progress of science and of the mechanical
arts results in mental and moral indigestion, merely
exasperating the inequality of mankind. "Poetry and the
principle of Self, of which money is the visible incarnation,
are the God and mammon of the world."  While the emotions
penetrated by poetry last, "Self appears as what it is, an atom
to a universe."  Poetry's "secret alchemy turns to potable gold
the poisonous waters which flow from death through life."  It
makes the familiar strange, and creates the universe anew.
"Poets are the hierophants of an unapprehended inspiration; the
mirrors of the gigantic shadows which futurity casts upon the
present; the words which express what they understand not; the
trumpets which sing to battle, and feel not what they inspire;
the influence which is moved not, but moves. Poets are the
unacknowledged legislators of the world."

Other poets besides Shelley have seen

  "Through all that earthly dress
   Bright shoots of everlastingness,"

and others have felt that the freedom from self, which is
attained in the vision, is supremely good. What is peculiar to
him, and distinguishes him from the poets of religious
mysticism, is that he reflected rationally on his vision,
brought it more or less into harmony with a philosophical
system, and, in embracing it, always had in view the
improvement of mankind. Not for a moment, though, must it be
imagined that he was a didactic poet. It was the theory of the
eighteenth century, and for a brief period, when the first
impulse of the Romantic Movement was spent, it was again to
become the theory of the nineteenth century, that the obJect of
poetry is to inculcate correct principles of morals and
religion. Poetry, with its power of pleasing, was the jam
which should make us swallow the powder unawares. This
conception was abhorrent to Shelley, both because poetry ought
not to do what can be done better by prose, and also because,
for him, the pleasure and the lesson were indistinguishably
one. The poet is to improve us, not by insinuating a moral,
but by communicating to others something of that ecstasy with
which he himself burns in contemplating eternal truth and
beauty and goodness.

Hitherto all the writings mentioned have been, except 'The
Defence of Poetry', those of a young and enthusiastic
revolutionary, which might have some interest in their proper
historical and biographical setting, but otherwise would only
be read as curiosities. We have seen that beneath Shelley's
twofold drift towards practical politics and speculative
philosophy a deeper force was working. Yet it is
characteristic of him that he always tended to regard the
writing of verse as a 'pis aller'. In 1819, when he was
actually working on 'Prometheus', he wrote to Peacock, "I
consider poetry very subordinate to moral and political
science," adding that he only wrote it because his feeble
health made it hopeless to attempt anything more useful. We
need not take this too seriously; he was often wrong about the
reasons for his own actions. From whatever motive, write
poetry he did. We will now consider some of the more
voluminous, if not the most valuable, results.

'Alastor, or the Spirit of Solitude,' [4] is a long poem,
written in 1815, which seems to shadow forth the emotional
history of a young and beautiful poet. As a child he drank
deep of the beauties of nature and the sublimest creations of
the intellect, until,

  "When early youth had past, he left
   His cold fireside and alienated home,
   To seek strange truths in undiscovered lands."

He wandered through many wildernesses, and visited the ruins of
Egypt and the East, where an Arab maiden fell in love with him
and tended him. But he passes on, "through Arabie, and Persia,
and the wild Carmanian waste," and, arrived at the vale of
Cashmire, lies down to sleep in a dell. Here he has a vision.
A "veiled maid" sits by him, and, after singing first of
knowledge and truth and virtue, then of love, embraces him.
When he awakes, all the beauty of the world that enchanted and
satisfied him before has faded:

  "The Spirit of Sweet Human Love has sent
   A vision to the sleep of him who spurned
   Her choicest gifts,"

and he rushes on, wildly pursuing the beautiful shape, like an
eagle enfolded by a serpent and feeling the poison in his
breast. His limbs grow lean, his hair thin and pale. Does
death contain the secret of his happiness? At last he pauses
"on the lone Chorasmian shore," and sees a frail shallop in
which he trusts himself to the waves. Day and night the boat
fiies before the storm to the base of the cliffs of Caucasus,
where it is engulfed in a cavern. Following the twists of the
cavern, after a narrow escape from a maelstrom, he floats into
a calm pool, and lands. Elaborate descriptions of forest and
mountain scenery bring us, as the moon sets, to the death of
the worn-out poet--

  "The brave, the gentle, and the beautiful,
   The child of grace and genius! Heartless things
   Are done and said i' the world, and many worms
   And beasts and men live on . . . but thou art fled."

[4 "Alastor" is a Greek word meaning "the victim of an Avenging
Spirit."]

In 'Alastor' he melted with pity over what he felt to be his
own destiny; in 'The Revolt of Islam' (1817) he was "a trumpet
that sings to battle."  This, the longest of Shelley's poems
(there are 4176 lines of it, exclusive of certain lyrical
passages), is a versified novel with a more or less coherent
plot, though the mechanism is cumbrous, and any one who expects
from the title a story of some actual rebellion against the
Turks will be disappointed. Its theme, typified by an
introductory vision of an eagle and serpent battling in
mid-sky, is the cosmic struggle between evil and good, or, what
for Shelley is the same thing, between the forces of
established authority and of man's aspiration for liberty, the
eagle standing for the powerful oppressor, and the snake for
the oppressed.

  "When round pure hearts a host of hopes assemble
   The Snake and Eagle meet--the world's foundations tremble."

This piece of symbolism became a sort of fixed language with
him; "the Snake" was a name by which it amused him to be known
among his friends. The clash of the two opposites is crudely
and narrowly conceived, with no suggestion yet of some more
tremendous force behind both, such as later on was to give
depth to his view of the world conflict. The loves and the
virtues of Laon and Cythna, the gifted beings who overthrow the
tyrant and perish tragically in a counter-revolution, are too
bright against a background that is too black; but even so they
were a good opportunity for displaying the various phases
through which humanitarian passion may run--the first whispers
of hope, the devotion of the pioneer, the joy of freedom and
love, in triumph exultation tempered by clemency, in defeat
despair ennobled by firmness. And although in this
extraordinary production Shelley has still not quite found
himself, the technical power displayed is great. The poem is
in Spenserian stanzas, and he manages the long breaking wave of
that measure with sureness and ease, imparting to it a rapidity
of onset that is all his own. But there are small blemishes
such as, even when allowance is made for haste of composition
(it was written in a single summer), a naturally delicate ear
would never have passed; he apologises in the preface for one
alexandrine (the long last line which should exceed the rest by
a foot) left in the middle of a stanza, whereas in fact there
are some eight places where obviously redundant syllables have
crept in. A more serious defect is the persistence, still
unassimilated, of the element of the romantic-horrible. When
Laon, chained to the top of a column, gnaws corpses, we feel
that the author of Zastrozzi is still slightly ridiculous,
magnificent though his writing has become. It is hard, again,
not to smile at this world in which the melodious voices of
young eleutherarchs have only to sound for the crouching slave
to recover his manhood and for tyrants to tremble and turn
pale. The poet knows, as he wrote in answer to a criticism,
that his mission is "to apprehend minute and remote
distinctions of feeling," and "to communicate the conceptions
which result from considering either the moral or the material
universe as a whole."  He does not see that he has failed of
both aims, partly because 'The Revolt' is too abstract, partly
because it is too definite. It is neither one thing nor the
other. The feelings apprehended are, indeed, remote enough; in
many descriptions where land, sea, and mountain shimmer through
a gorgeous mist that never was of this earth, the "material
universe" may perhaps be admitted to be grasped as a whole; and
he has embodied his conception of the "moral universe" in a
picture of all the good impulses of the human heart, that
should be so fruitful, poisoned by the pressure of religious
and political authority. It was natural that the method which
he chose should be that of the romantic narrative--we have
noticed how he began by trying to write novels--nor is that
method essentially unfitted to represent the conflict between
good and evil, with the whole universe for a stage; instances
of great novels that are epics in this sense will occur to
every one. But realism is required, and Shelley was
constitutionally incapable of realism The personages of the
story, Laon and the Hermit, the Tyrant and Cythna, are pale
projections of Shelley himself; of Dr. Lind, an enlightened old
gentleman with whom he made friends at Eton; of His Majesty's
Government; and of Mary Wollstonecraft, his wife's illustrious
mother. They are neither of the world nor out of it, and
consequently, in so far as they are localised and incarnate and
their actions woven into a tale, 'The Revolt of Islam' is a
failure. In his next great poem he was to pursue precisely the
same aims, but with more success, because he had now hit upon a
figure of more appropriate vagueness and sublimity. The scheme
of 'Prometheus Unbound' (1819) is drawn from the immortal
creations of Greek tragedy.

He had experimented with Tasso and had thought of Job; but the
rebellious Titan, Prometheus, the benefactor of mankind whom
Aeschylus had represented as chained by Zeus to Caucasus, with
a vulture gnawing his liver, offered a perfect embodiment of
Shelley's favourite subject, "the image," to borrow the words
of his wife, "of one warring with the Evil Principle, oppressed
not only by it, but by all--even the good, who are deluded into
considering evil a necessary portion of humanity; a victim full
of fortitude and hope and the Spirit of triumph, emanating from
a reliance in the ultimate omnipotence of Good."  In the Greek
play, Zeus is an usurper in heaven who has supplanted an older
and milder dynasty of gods, and Prometheus, visited in his
punishment by the nymphs of ocean, knows a secret on which the
rule of Zeus depends. Shelley took over these features, and
grafted on them his own peculiar confidence in the ultimate
perfection of mankind. His Prometheus knows that Jupiter (the
Evil Principle) will some day be overthrown, though he does not
know when, and that he himself will then be released; and this
event is shown as actually taking place. It may be doubted
whether this treatment, while it allows the poet to describe
what the world will be like when freed from evil, does not
diminish the impressiveness of the suffering Titan; for if
Prometheus knows that a term is set to his punishment, his
defiance of the oppressor is easier, and, so far, less sublime.
However that may be, his opening cries of pain have much
romantic beauty:

  "The crawling glaciers pierce me with the spears
   of their moon-freezing crystals, the bright chains
   Eat with their burning cold into my bones."

Mercury, Jupiter's messenger, is sent to offer him freedom if
he will repent and submit to the tyrant. On his refusal, the
Furies are let loose to torture him, and his agony takes the
form of a vision of all the suffering of the world. The agony
passes, and Mother Earth calls up spirits to soothe him with
images of delight; but he declares "most vain all hope but
love," and thinks of Asia, his wife in happier days. The
second act is full of the dreams of Asia. With Panthea, one of
the ocean nymphs that watch over Prometheus, she makes her way
to the cave of Demogorgon, "that terrific gloom," who seems
meant to typify the Primal Power of the World. Hence they are
snatched away by the Spirit of the Hour at which Jove will
fall, and the coming of change pulsates through the excitement
of those matchless songs that begin:

  "Life of life! thy lips enkindle
   With their love the breath between them."

In the third act the tyrant is triumphing in heaven, when the
car of the Hour arrives; Demogorgon descends from it, and hurls
him to the abyss. Prometheus, set free by Hercules, is united
again to Asia. And now, with the tyranny of wrongful power,

  'The loathsome mark has fallen, the mall remains
   Sceptreless, free, uncircumscribed, but man
   Equal, unclassed, tribeless, and nationless,
   Exempt from awe, worship, degree, the king
   Over himself; just, gentle, wise."

The fourth act is an epilogue in which, to quote Mrs. Shelley
again, "the poet gives further scope to his imagination . . . .
Maternal Earth, the mighty parent, is superseded by the Spirit
of the Earth, the guide of our planet through the realms of
sky; while his fair and weaker companion and attendant, the
Spirit of the Moon, receives bliss from the annihilation of
evil in the superior sphere."  We are in a strange metaphysical
region, an interstellar space of incredibly rarefied fire and
light, the true home of Shelley's spirit, where the circling
spheres sing to one another in wave upon wave of lyrical
rapture, as inexpressible in prose as music, and culminating in
the cry:

  "To suffer woes which Hope thinks infinite;
   To forgive wrongs darker than death or night;
     To defy Power which seems omnipotent;
   To love, and bear; to hope till Hope creates
   From its own wreck the thing it contemplates;
     Neither to change, nor falter, nor repent;
   This, like thy glory, Titan, is to be
   Good, great and joyous, beautiful and free;
   This is alone Life, Joy, Empire and Victory."

On the whole, Prometheus has been over-praised, perhaps because
the beauty of the interspersed songs has dazzled the critics.
Not only are the personages too transparently allegorical, but
the allegory is insipid; especially tactless is the treatment
of the marriage between Prometheus, the Spirit of Humanity, and
Asia, the Spirit of Nature, as a romantic love affair. When,
in the last of his more important poems, Shelley returned to
the struggle between the good and evil principles, it was in a
different Spirit. The short drama of 'Hellas' (1821) was "a
mere improvise," the boiling over of his sympathy with the
Greeks, who were in revolt against the Turks. He wove into it,
with all possible heightening of poetic imagery, the chief
events of the period of revolution through which southern
Europe was then passing, so that it differs from the Prometheus
in having historical facts as ostensible subject. Through it
reverberates the dissolution of kingdoms in feats of arms by
land and sea from Persia to Morocco, and these cataclysms,
though suggestive of something that transcends any human
warfare, are yet not completely pinnacled in "the intense
inane."  But this is not the only merit of "Hellas;' its poetry
is purer than that of the earlier work, because Shelley no
longer takes sides so violently. He has lost the cruder
optimism of the 'Prometheus', and is thrown back for
consolation upon something that moves us more than any prospect
of a heaven realised on earth by abolishing kings and priests.
When the chorus of captive Greek women, who provide the lyrical
setting, sing round the couch of the sleeping sultan, we are
aware of an ineffable hope at the heart of their strain of
melancholy pity; and so again when their burthen becomes the
transience of all things human. The sultan, too, feels that
Islam is doomed, and, as messenger after messenger announces
the success of the rebels, his fatalism expresses itself as the
growing perception that all this blood and all these tears are
but phantoms that come and go, bubbles on the sea of eternity.
This again is the purport of the talk of Ahasuerus, the
Wandering Jew, who evokes for him a vision of Mahmud II
capturing Constantinople. The sultan is puzzled:

  "What meanest thou? Thy words stream like a tempest
   Of dazzling mist within my brain";

but 'we' know that the substance behind the mist is Shelley's
"immaterial philosophy," the doctrine that nothing is real
except the one eternal Mind. Ever louder and more confident
sounds this note, until it drowns even the cries of victory
when the tide of battle turns in favour of the Turks. The
chorus, lamenting antiphonally the destruction of liberty, are
interrupted by repeated howls of savage triumph: "Kill! crush!
despoil! Let not a Greek escape'" But these discords are
gradually resolved, through exquisitely complicated cadences,
into the golden and equable flow of the concluding song:

  "The world's great age begins anew,
     The golden years return,
   The earth doth like a snake renew
     Her winter weeds outworn:
   Heaven smiles, and faiths and empires gleam,
   Like wrecks of a dissolving dream."

Breezy confidence has given place to a poignant mood of
disillusionment.

  "Oh, cease! must hate and death return?
     Cease! must men kill and die?
   Cease! drain not to its dregs the urn
     Of bitter prophecy.
   The world is weary of the past,
   Oh, might it die or rest at last!"

Perhaps the perfect beauty of Greek civilisation shall never be
restored; but the wisdom of its thinkers and the creations of
its artists are immortal, while the fabric of the world

  "Is but a vision;--all that it inherits
   Are motes of a sick eye, bubbles and dreams."

It is curious that for three of his more considerable works
Shelley should have chosen the form of drama, since the last
thing one would say of him is that he had the dramatic talent.
'Prometheus' and 'Hellas', however, are dramas only in name;
there is no thought in them of scenic representation. 'The
Cenci' (1819), on the other hand, is a real play; in writing it
he had the stage in view, and even a particular actress, Miss
O'Neil. It thus stands alone among his works, unless we put
beside it the fragment of a projected play about Charles I
(1822), a theme which, with its crowd of historical figures,
was ill-suited to his powers. And not only is 'The Cenci' a
play; it is the most successful attempt since the seventeenth
century at a kind of writing, tragedy in the grand style, over
which all our poets, from Addison to Swinburne, have more or
less come to grief. Its subject is the fate of Beatrice Cenci,
the daughter of a noble Roman house, who in 1599 was executed
with her stepmother and brother for the murder of her father.
The wicked father, more intensely wicked for his grey hairs and
his immense ability, whose wealth had purchased from the Pope
impunity for a long succession of crimes, hated his children,
and drove them to frenzy by his relentless cruelty. When to
insults and oppression he added the horrors of an incestuous
passion for his daughter, the cup overflowed, and Beatrice,
faced with shame more intolerable than death, preferred
parricide. Here was a subject made to Shelley's hand--a
naturally pure and gentle soul soiled, driven to violence, and
finally extinguished, by unnameable wrong, while all authority,
both human and divine, is on the side of the persecutor.
Haunted by the grave, sad eyes of Guido Reni's picture of
Beatrice, so that the very streets of Rome seemed to echo her
name--though it was only old women calling out "rags"
('cenci')--he was tempted from his airy flights to throw
himself for once into the portrayal of reality. There was no
need now to dip "his pen in earthquake and eclipse"; clothed in
plain and natural language, the action unfolded itself in a
crescendo of horror; but from the ease with which he wrote--it
cost him relatively the least time and pains of all his
works--it would be rash to infer that he could have constructed
an equally good tragedy on any other subject than the injured
Beatrice and the combination, which Count Francesco Cenci is,
of paternal power with the extreme limit of human iniquity.

With the exception of 'The Cenci', everything Shelley published
was almost entirely unnoticed at the time. This play, being
more intelligible than the rest, attracted both notice and
praise, though it was also much blamed for what would now be
called its unpleasantness. Many people, among them his wife,
regretted that, having proved his ability to handle the
concrete, he still should devote himself to ideal and unpopular
abstractions, such as 'The Witch of Atlas' (1821), a
fantastical piece in rime royal, which seems particularly to
have provoked Mrs. Shelley. A "lady Witch" lived in a cave on
Mount Atlas, and her games in a magic boat, her dances in the
upper regions of space, and the pranks which she played among
men, are described in verse of a richness that bewilders
because it leads to nothing. The poet juggles with flowers and
gems, stars and spirits, lovers and meteors; we are constantly
expecting him to break into some design, and are as constantly
disappointed. Our bewilderment is of a peculiar kind; it is
not the same, for instance, as that produced by Blake's
prophetic books, where we are conscious of a great spirit
fumbling after the inexpressible. Shelley is not a true
mystic. He is seldom puzzled, and he never seems to have any
difficulty in expressing exactly what he feels; his images are
perfectly definite. Our uneasiness arises from the fact that,
with so much clear definition, such great activity in
reproducing the subtlest impressions which Nature makes upon
him, his work should have so little artistic purpose or form.
Stroke is accumulated on stroke, each a triumph of imaginative
beauty; but as they do not cohere to any discoverable end, the
total impression is apt to be one of effort running to waste.

This formlessness, this monotony of splendour, is felt even in
'Adonais' (1821), his elegy on the death of Keats. John Keats
was a very different person from Shelley. The son of a
livery-stable keeper, he had been an apothecary's apprentice,
and for a short time had walked the hospitals. He was driven
into literature by sheer artistic passion, and not at all from
any craving to ameliorate the world. His odes are among the
chief glories of the English language. His life, unlike
Shelley's, was devoted entirely to art, and was uneventful, its
only incidents an unhappy love-affair, and the growth, hastened
by disappointed passion and the 'Quarterly Review's'
contemptuous attack on his work, of the consumption which
killed him at the age of twenty-six. He was sent to Italy as a
last chance. Shelley, who was then at Pisa, proposed to nurse
him back to health, and offered him shelter. Keats refused the
invitation, and died at Rome on February 23, 1821. Shelley was
not intimate with Keats, and had been slow to recognise his
genius; but it was enough that he was a poet, in sympathy with
the Radicals, an exile, and the victim of the Tory reviewers.
There is not ill Adonais that note of personal bereavement
which wails through Tennyson's 'In Memoriam' or Cowley's 'Ode
on the Death of Mr. Hervey'. Much, especially in the earlier
stanzas, is common form. The Muse Urania is summoned to
lament, and a host of personified abstractions flit before us,
"like pageantry of mist on an autumnal stream"--

  
   "Desires and Adorations,
   Winged Persuasions, and veiled Destinies,
   Splendours and Glooms, and glimmering Incarnations
   Of Hopes and Fears, and twilight Fantasies."

At first he scarcely seems to know what it is that he wants to
say, but as he proceeds he warms to his work. The poets gather
round Adonais' bier, and in four admirable stanzas Shelley
describes himself as "a phantom among men," who

    "Had gazed on Nature's naked